No term used to epitomise the British economy more than “trading nation” and so, given the desperate need to increase trade to drag the country out of its current economic doldrums, it was good to see our most senior politicians at Westminster and Cardiff Bay recently zigzagging their way across the Asian continent.
As is usual in these high-level trade missions, much of the press focus is on the links with multinational companies that have invested strongly in this country. Yet, perhaps more important to the future of the Welsh economy is the potential of indigenous businesses and their ability to sell goods and services internationally.
So how is Welsh business performing in this regard?
According to the most up to date statistics from the Welsh Government, Wales accounts for just over five per cent of the international trade of all UK regions, which is higher than its share of businesses across the economy. Indeed, exports worth £13.4 billion were generated in 2011, an increase of 14 per cent on the previous year and a figure higher than the UK average growth of 12 per cent (although lower than the 18 per cent recorded in Scotland).
Whilst this is a highly creditable performance for a small economy, it is no cause for celebration. Wales remains largely dependent on just four industries that account for over 80 per cent of the value of exports, namely energy (30 per cent), engineering (29 per cent), metals (13 per cent) and chemicals (8 per cent). Fortunately, analysts suggest that these sectors will continue to grow over the next few years and announcements such as Tata’s £800m investment into the Welsh economy will ensure that overall exports should continue to grow over the next few years.
However, if Wales is to develop its economy, other industries must also show growth over the next few years and it is disappointing that the key sectors highlighted by the Welsh Government for special support continue to have little impact on exporting performance.
For example, sectors that have experienced an overall decline in exporting activity during the last year include automotive, biotechnology and pharmaceuticals, and the largest drop in performance was experienced by the telecommunications industry with a 30 per cent decrease over the year. It is also worth noting that the destination of our exports has changed considerably during the last twelve years.
Back in 1999, Welsh exported 73 per cent of its goods to the European Union but by 2011, this had fallen to 42 per cent, considerably less than the UK as a whole where 53 per cent of exports cross the Channel. In contrast, 29 per cent of all our exported goods go to North America, far higher than for the UK as a whole and, more importantly, our trade across the Atlantic has grown by 16 per cent during the last year. In terms of emerging markets, whilst Wales’ trade with Latin America has grown by 45 per cent, we have only experienced a growth of 8 per cent in the key markets of Asia and Oceania (as compared to 21 per cent for the rest of the UK).
Therefore, the current exporting scoreboard for the Welsh economy is a mixed bag of results. Whilst overall exporting growth is buoyant, it remains focused in a narrow range of industries dominated by large companies such as Tata, Airbus and Dow Corning.
This suggests that there is still much to do in terms of getting small and medium sized enterprises (SMEs) in Wales to internationalise their activities. The data also fails to provide good news for those policymakers who have focused their efforts on supporting those key sectors that should have the ability to grow in international markets. Given this, it may be pertinent for each of the sector panels appointed by the Welsh Government to examine how the companies within their remit can adopt a more international approach to their business and develop their massive overseas potential.
It is therefore clear that there needs to be a more strategic approach to targeting key markets. This not only applies to regions such as North America which are proportionately more important to Wales than the rest of the UK, but also in emerging countries in Asia where we are underperforming. In this respect, the Welsh Government should examine how it can work more strategically with the UK Government to better target these markets.
If we are to develop a more export oriented economy, then it not only the quantity of exporters that must increase but also the quality. For non-exporting firms, there are various interventions that can get them to start thinking seriously about internationalising their activities. These not only include seminars and workshops, export information provision and sponsorship to trade fairs but also opportunities for greater networking, especially with foreign customers. This is a role that large multinational companies based in Wales could undertake given their operations in other countries. Academic institutions could also draw on their extensive networks to link Welsh firms with alumni overseas.
For those Welsh companies already internationalised, they may need less government support with regard to developing overseas business relationships although policymakers, through supporting sector-based co-operative arrangements, can get key Welsh businesses working in the same industry to mutually support each other in export markets. Again, this is something that the Welsh Government, through its new sector panels, could facilitate and thus increase the reputation of Wales’s products and services overseas.
Therefore, if government, industry and academic institutions can work together to develop a new approach to support the internationalisation of business, there could yet be a Welsh renaissance in trading overseas.
WALES AND EXPORTING
Welsh Economy
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Apr 242012
A BUDGET FOR JOBS AND GROWTH? ONLY IF THE WELSH GOVERNMENT WANT IT TO BE
UK budget, Welsh Economy, Welsh Government
Comments Off
Mar 262012
When I began my academic career in 1992 at Durham University Business School, I worked on a project that, on every Budget Day, would look specifically at the Chancellor’s financial proposals and their implications for the small firm sector.
In an age where tweeting was the noise made by a canary in a Warner Brothers cartoon and the fax machine was god, we spent time huddled around televisions trying to work out exactly what the implications were for the entrepreneurial community as the Chancellor spoke from the House of Commons.
Our analysis would then be written up by teams of academics and edited into one report. This would then be printed off overnight in the North East of England before being flown down to London first thing in the morning where TSB, the sponsor, would distribute to their clients at a morning press conference.
How different the response to the Chancellor’s budget has been this year, with both politicians and pundits racing each other to be the first out with a tweet on the results of the budget without even any careful and measured contemplation of the details.
In fact, barely had the Chancellor taken his seat that the Welsh Government had rushed out a statement stating that “This is a disappointing budget for Wales. It's not a budget for jobs and growth”.
Given that they had less than two hours to digest the detailed statements from the Treasury, one would have imagined that this behaviour was a hostage to fortune, especially given that, as in all budgets, the devil is always in the detail.
More relevantly, I have always considered that any new programme or initiative announced by the Chancellor is a chance for Welsh business to ensure, with the support of Welsh Government, that it takes full advantage of any new opportunities.
For example, the further reduction in corporation tax will mean that the UK will, by 2014, have the most competitive rate in the whole of the G7. Given this, the task for the Welsh Government is to link its own offering to this national indicator and ensure that the ‘brand’ for Wales attracts more businesses to this region rather than any other.
But it is not only in areas such as corporation tax in which Wales can sell itself. The interventionist approach by the UK government to various parts of the economic system could also reap real dividends for the Welsh economy if only we take full advantage of them. Let’s take finance for small firms.
The Government has provided up to £20 billion to support business under the National Loan Guarantee Scheme (NLGS). It has also announced £1.2 billion for the Business Finance Partnership (BFP) to develop new forms of non-bank finance. Surely, as one of the only regions with its own government owned bank in the form of Finance Wales, ministers could put forward a coherent strategy so that these funds, along with the money already held by Finance Wales, could create a far bigger source of funding for Welsh firms?
The UK Government also announced an ambition to more than double annual UK exports to £1 trillion by 2020, expanding not only the role of UK Export Finance but doubling the support to UKTI. Given that Wales has enormous potential through its manufacturing industry for international trading, but one of the lowest proportion of active exporters of any region, this presents a real opportunity for Cardiff Bay to work with Whitehall to get more Welsh firms to trade overseas.
But there is also support for specific Welsh industries. Take, for example, the 100 per cent per cent capital allowances for plant and machinery at the Deeside enterprise zone. This could, if supported by other programmes in training and skills development from the Welsh Government, make North East Wales the engine room of advanced manufacturing once more, certainly in comparison to other competing parts of the UK and after years of decline.
Indeed, there is now a massive opportunity for Broughton to bid for the £60 million UK Centre for Aerodynamics that will support innovation in aerospace technology but only if the Welsh Government works closely with the Wales Office to come up with the best plan possible to secure this within our borders.
The new corporation tax reliefs for industries such as the video game, animation and high-end television could potentially help the further development of these sectors in Wale, especially if serious attention is paid to ICT and the creative industries in the same way that the Minister for Business has recently courted the biosciences industry.
Indeed, that sector should be boosted by the introduction of a reduced 10 per cent rate of corporation tax for profits attributed to patents and similar types of intellectual property. Now all it needs is for the Welsh Government to announce a specific enterprise zone for this industry in Swansea that is centred on the Institute for Life Sciences.
Therefore, apart from political brinkmanship, can the Welsh Government really say that this was not a budget for jobs and growth? Certainly, it could be a self-fulfilling prophecy if it refused to take full advantage of the opportunities for boosting Welsh industry at a time when we need to punch above our weight as a nation to not only attract companies to invest here, but to grow and develop those businesses with real potential for job creation.
In an age where tweeting was the noise made by a canary in a Warner Brothers cartoon and the fax machine was god, we spent time huddled around televisions trying to work out exactly what the implications were for the entrepreneurial community as the Chancellor spoke from the House of Commons.
Our analysis would then be written up by teams of academics and edited into one report. This would then be printed off overnight in the North East of England before being flown down to London first thing in the morning where TSB, the sponsor, would distribute to their clients at a morning press conference.
How different the response to the Chancellor’s budget has been this year, with both politicians and pundits racing each other to be the first out with a tweet on the results of the budget without even any careful and measured contemplation of the details.
In fact, barely had the Chancellor taken his seat that the Welsh Government had rushed out a statement stating that “This is a disappointing budget for Wales. It's not a budget for jobs and growth”.
Given that they had less than two hours to digest the detailed statements from the Treasury, one would have imagined that this behaviour was a hostage to fortune, especially given that, as in all budgets, the devil is always in the detail.
More relevantly, I have always considered that any new programme or initiative announced by the Chancellor is a chance for Welsh business to ensure, with the support of Welsh Government, that it takes full advantage of any new opportunities.
For example, the further reduction in corporation tax will mean that the UK will, by 2014, have the most competitive rate in the whole of the G7. Given this, the task for the Welsh Government is to link its own offering to this national indicator and ensure that the ‘brand’ for Wales attracts more businesses to this region rather than any other.
But it is not only in areas such as corporation tax in which Wales can sell itself. The interventionist approach by the UK government to various parts of the economic system could also reap real dividends for the Welsh economy if only we take full advantage of them. Let’s take finance for small firms.
The Government has provided up to £20 billion to support business under the National Loan Guarantee Scheme (NLGS). It has also announced £1.2 billion for the Business Finance Partnership (BFP) to develop new forms of non-bank finance. Surely, as one of the only regions with its own government owned bank in the form of Finance Wales, ministers could put forward a coherent strategy so that these funds, along with the money already held by Finance Wales, could create a far bigger source of funding for Welsh firms?
The UK Government also announced an ambition to more than double annual UK exports to £1 trillion by 2020, expanding not only the role of UK Export Finance but doubling the support to UKTI. Given that Wales has enormous potential through its manufacturing industry for international trading, but one of the lowest proportion of active exporters of any region, this presents a real opportunity for Cardiff Bay to work with Whitehall to get more Welsh firms to trade overseas.
But there is also support for specific Welsh industries. Take, for example, the 100 per cent per cent capital allowances for plant and machinery at the Deeside enterprise zone. This could, if supported by other programmes in training and skills development from the Welsh Government, make North East Wales the engine room of advanced manufacturing once more, certainly in comparison to other competing parts of the UK and after years of decline.
Indeed, there is now a massive opportunity for Broughton to bid for the £60 million UK Centre for Aerodynamics that will support innovation in aerospace technology but only if the Welsh Government works closely with the Wales Office to come up with the best plan possible to secure this within our borders.
The new corporation tax reliefs for industries such as the video game, animation and high-end television could potentially help the further development of these sectors in Wale, especially if serious attention is paid to ICT and the creative industries in the same way that the Minister for Business has recently courted the biosciences industry.
Indeed, that sector should be boosted by the introduction of a reduced 10 per cent rate of corporation tax for profits attributed to patents and similar types of intellectual property. Now all it needs is for the Welsh Government to announce a specific enterprise zone for this industry in Swansea that is centred on the Institute for Life Sciences.
Therefore, apart from political brinkmanship, can the Welsh Government really say that this was not a budget for jobs and growth? Certainly, it could be a self-fulfilling prophecy if it refused to take full advantage of the opportunities for boosting Welsh industry at a time when we need to punch above our weight as a nation to not only attract companies to invest here, but to grow and develop those businesses with real potential for job creation.
WALES AND EUROPEAN STRUCTURAL FUNDS
Welsh Economy, Welsh Government
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Mar 192012
Last week, there was a political storm over the latest GDP figures to emerge from the European Union and which measure the relative prosperity of its regions.
As expected, West Wales and the Valleys – consisting of 15 local authorities – lost ground on nearly every other part of Europe despite being given £1.2bn of European funding for the period 2000-2006 under the Objective 1 programme.
Not surprisingly, the opposition parties went straight on the attack to accuse the Labour Party of failing to use what it once termed a “once-in-a-lifetime opportunity”.
In riposte, that anonymous individual known as the Welsh Government spokesperson responded by noting that GDP per head in West Wales and the Valleys has broadly kept pace with the UK as a whole since 2001.
Was he correct in dismissing such arguments?
Technically speaking, yes he was, as the rate of growth in West Wales and the Valleys is approximately the same as that for the rest of the UK for the period 2000-2009. But given that only London and Hampshire has shown any positive growth out of all the regions over that period, as compared to an overall growth of 23% across the European Union, it does beg the question of what the last UK Government was doing in terms of regional economic policy. That is a discussion for another day. Instead we should focus on the main reason behind European Structural Funding such as Objective 1 and the current round of Convergence funds.
Let’s be clear, Structural Funds are a mechanism for reducing the disparities between regions in Europe. Their role is not, per se, to close the gap between West Wales and the Valleys and the United Kingdom. In that respect, we should focus any analysis on the economic impact of the programmes on a European level, especially the performance relative to the other Objective 1 regions supported by the European Commission during the last decade.
So what do these statistics tell us?
Back in 2000, when we first received European funding, West Wales and the Valleys was the sixth most prosperous Objective 1 region in Europe with a GDP per head of 17,300 euros. However, by 2009, the region had fallen to 42nd out of 50 regions with a GDP per head of 15,700 euros.
And, given our emphasis on high quality tourism, I am sure it would surprise many to find that both the Canaries and the Algarve have a higher level of relative prosperity than West Wales and the Valleys.
Indeed, in relative terms, nearly every other Objective 1 region in Europe has performed better economically during this decade. Some have argued that the economic decline in West Wales and the Valleys is down to the world recession during 2008 and 2009, and the data suggests that the other Objective 1 areas in the UK, including South Yorkshire, Merseyside and Cornwall, were not as resilient as other poorer areas on the Continent.
Yet even if we only consider the growth in GDP per head for the period 2000-2007, we find that Wales’ poorest region had the worse growth rate – at 21.4% – of any disadvantaged area in Europe. In contrast, the Spanish region of Galicia grew at 63.6% over the same period.
So what went wrong?
Certainly the evidence, contrary to the statements from the Welsh Government, suggests that West Wales and the Valleys, relative to other areas in receipt of Objective 1 funding, has performed badly. Some have suggested that this relative failure is down to the fact that there were too many projects being funded through this programme and resources were spread too thinly across our poorest region.
As a result, the new £2bn Convergence programme, which replaced Objective 1 funding, has focused on fewer strategic projects. Yet others would argue that the failure to engage properly with the private sector, in conjunction with the dominance of public sector-driven projects, is a trend that has actually increased under the new round of European funding.
While the next few rounds of GDP statistics will tell their own story of the relative economic success of current Convergence funding, it is becoming clear that West Wales and the Valleys will now qualify for an unprecedented third round of financial support from the European Structural Funds programme.
Given the way that other regions of Europe in receipt of such support have grown economically while West Wales and the Valleys has floundered, I would suggest that Welsh policymakers should start looking at how other poorer parts of Europe have grown their economies, as it seems we still have much to learn in ensuring that our disadvantaged regions become competitive again.
As expected, West Wales and the Valleys – consisting of 15 local authorities – lost ground on nearly every other part of Europe despite being given £1.2bn of European funding for the period 2000-2006 under the Objective 1 programme.
Not surprisingly, the opposition parties went straight on the attack to accuse the Labour Party of failing to use what it once termed a “once-in-a-lifetime opportunity”.
In riposte, that anonymous individual known as the Welsh Government spokesperson responded by noting that GDP per head in West Wales and the Valleys has broadly kept pace with the UK as a whole since 2001.
Was he correct in dismissing such arguments?
Technically speaking, yes he was, as the rate of growth in West Wales and the Valleys is approximately the same as that for the rest of the UK for the period 2000-2009. But given that only London and Hampshire has shown any positive growth out of all the regions over that period, as compared to an overall growth of 23% across the European Union, it does beg the question of what the last UK Government was doing in terms of regional economic policy. That is a discussion for another day. Instead we should focus on the main reason behind European Structural Funding such as Objective 1 and the current round of Convergence funds.
Let’s be clear, Structural Funds are a mechanism for reducing the disparities between regions in Europe. Their role is not, per se, to close the gap between West Wales and the Valleys and the United Kingdom. In that respect, we should focus any analysis on the economic impact of the programmes on a European level, especially the performance relative to the other Objective 1 regions supported by the European Commission during the last decade.
So what do these statistics tell us?
Back in 2000, when we first received European funding, West Wales and the Valleys was the sixth most prosperous Objective 1 region in Europe with a GDP per head of 17,300 euros. However, by 2009, the region had fallen to 42nd out of 50 regions with a GDP per head of 15,700 euros.
And, given our emphasis on high quality tourism, I am sure it would surprise many to find that both the Canaries and the Algarve have a higher level of relative prosperity than West Wales and the Valleys.
Indeed, in relative terms, nearly every other Objective 1 region in Europe has performed better economically during this decade. Some have argued that the economic decline in West Wales and the Valleys is down to the world recession during 2008 and 2009, and the data suggests that the other Objective 1 areas in the UK, including South Yorkshire, Merseyside and Cornwall, were not as resilient as other poorer areas on the Continent.
Yet even if we only consider the growth in GDP per head for the period 2000-2007, we find that Wales’ poorest region had the worse growth rate – at 21.4% – of any disadvantaged area in Europe. In contrast, the Spanish region of Galicia grew at 63.6% over the same period.
So what went wrong?
Certainly the evidence, contrary to the statements from the Welsh Government, suggests that West Wales and the Valleys, relative to other areas in receipt of Objective 1 funding, has performed badly. Some have suggested that this relative failure is down to the fact that there were too many projects being funded through this programme and resources were spread too thinly across our poorest region.
As a result, the new £2bn Convergence programme, which replaced Objective 1 funding, has focused on fewer strategic projects. Yet others would argue that the failure to engage properly with the private sector, in conjunction with the dominance of public sector-driven projects, is a trend that has actually increased under the new round of European funding.
While the next few rounds of GDP statistics will tell their own story of the relative economic success of current Convergence funding, it is becoming clear that West Wales and the Valleys will now qualify for an unprecedented third round of financial support from the European Structural Funds programme.
Given the way that other regions of Europe in receipt of such support have grown economically while West Wales and the Valleys has floundered, I would suggest that Welsh policymakers should start looking at how other poorer parts of Europe have grown their economies, as it seems we still have much to learn in ensuring that our disadvantaged regions become competitive again.
Mar 122012
Western Mail Column 10th March 2012
I am sure it will have been a massive disappointment that Cardiff was not chosen as the site for the UK Government’s £3 billion Green Investment Bank.
Given the worries by Westminster politicians over the independence vote in Scotland, the choice of Edinburgh as the site of the bank’s new headquarters was not much of a surprise, especially as the Scottish capital is already a major financial centre.
However, the real prize for South Wales from the UK Government is still out there, namely securing funding from the Department for Transport funding for the electrification of railways. Already, business cases have been prepared by the Welsh Government and submitted to the Department for Transport.
One focuses on the extension of the electrification of the Great Western main Line to Swansea, whilst the other on the entire valley line network, including lines to Ebbw Vale, Maesteg and the Vale of Glamorgan as well as the core valley lines north of Cardiff.
Both projects are equally important. The first in ensuring that the second city in Wales has a fast transport link to one of the World’s major cities, thus opening West Wales to potential investment, and the second in regenerating the South Wales Valleys and enabling efficient commuting to Cardiff.
Indeed, given the billions of pounds spent on trying to regenerate the poorest parts of Wales in the last decade, it is likely to be a transport project that brings workers to jobs, rather than the other way round, which is likely to have the biggest impact on the future prosperity of some of our poorest communities.
In fact, one can only applaud the current Welsh Government for finally supporting the development of a city region of 1.4 million people around Cardiff. But if it is to succeed as a modern European city, then it has to have a modern transport infrastructure to support any future development.
Given the changes that have occurred in Cardiff since devolution, it is incredible to think that there has been no major project in the capital city of Wales since 1995, when the last section of the section of road from Culverhouse Cross to Cardiff Bay was opened.
In addition, the development of a strong financial services sector in the city based on a new enterprise zone, which is the aim of both Cardiff Council and the Welsh Government, could see tens of thousands of extra jobs created in this sector alone by 2020. Yet, without a coherent strategic approach to transport, the revitalisation of Cardiff and much of South Wales is likely to be undermined.
And it is no longer acceptable that our capital city remains at the European average in terms of connectivity by road and rail when it is trying to position itself as a competitive international centre.
In fact, Mark Barry, in his excellent paper for the Cardiff Business Partnership - A Metro for Wales’ Capital City Region, hit the nail squarely on the head by stating that whilst a good transport infrastructure does not guarantee economic success, it is also true that economic success can only occur where there is a good transport infrastructure.
So, ensuring the success of the electrification of the Valley Line Network and the main line to Swansea is critical, as any negative decision will mean that it will probably be decades until a similar case can be made successfully, ensuring that Wales will continue to bump along the bottom of the UK’s prosperity league table.
I have been reliably informed that the business case prepared for both projects by Welsh Government officials has been thorough and professional and should stand up against other projects from other parts of the UK that are also looking for funding.
However, things are never that simple, especially when there is strong lobbying for rail schemes in and around Manchester and the Midland Mainline Electrification. And whilst some may think that Wales ‘deserves’ the funding, others will be making the same case for their regions.
Given this, it is vital that we adopt a strong “Team Wales” approach to this, which not only involves politicians from all parties in the National Assembly, but also businesses in the region and local authorities. But most importantly, the Welsh Government needs to put aside any political differences it may have and work closely with the Wales Office to ensure there is a strong voice for both transport projects within the corridors of Whitehall.
The stakes are far too high for petty political point scoring and if this opportunity is missed because of an inability to work together for the benefit of our economy, then it will be Wales that will be the poorer for it.
I am sure it will have been a massive disappointment that Cardiff was not chosen as the site for the UK Government’s £3 billion Green Investment Bank.
Given the worries by Westminster politicians over the independence vote in Scotland, the choice of Edinburgh as the site of the bank’s new headquarters was not much of a surprise, especially as the Scottish capital is already a major financial centre.
However, the real prize for South Wales from the UK Government is still out there, namely securing funding from the Department for Transport funding for the electrification of railways. Already, business cases have been prepared by the Welsh Government and submitted to the Department for Transport.
One focuses on the extension of the electrification of the Great Western main Line to Swansea, whilst the other on the entire valley line network, including lines to Ebbw Vale, Maesteg and the Vale of Glamorgan as well as the core valley lines north of Cardiff.
Both projects are equally important. The first in ensuring that the second city in Wales has a fast transport link to one of the World’s major cities, thus opening West Wales to potential investment, and the second in regenerating the South Wales Valleys and enabling efficient commuting to Cardiff.
Indeed, given the billions of pounds spent on trying to regenerate the poorest parts of Wales in the last decade, it is likely to be a transport project that brings workers to jobs, rather than the other way round, which is likely to have the biggest impact on the future prosperity of some of our poorest communities.
In fact, one can only applaud the current Welsh Government for finally supporting the development of a city region of 1.4 million people around Cardiff. But if it is to succeed as a modern European city, then it has to have a modern transport infrastructure to support any future development.
Given the changes that have occurred in Cardiff since devolution, it is incredible to think that there has been no major project in the capital city of Wales since 1995, when the last section of the section of road from Culverhouse Cross to Cardiff Bay was opened.
In addition, the development of a strong financial services sector in the city based on a new enterprise zone, which is the aim of both Cardiff Council and the Welsh Government, could see tens of thousands of extra jobs created in this sector alone by 2020. Yet, without a coherent strategic approach to transport, the revitalisation of Cardiff and much of South Wales is likely to be undermined.
And it is no longer acceptable that our capital city remains at the European average in terms of connectivity by road and rail when it is trying to position itself as a competitive international centre.
In fact, Mark Barry, in his excellent paper for the Cardiff Business Partnership - A Metro for Wales’ Capital City Region, hit the nail squarely on the head by stating that whilst a good transport infrastructure does not guarantee economic success, it is also true that economic success can only occur where there is a good transport infrastructure.
So, ensuring the success of the electrification of the Valley Line Network and the main line to Swansea is critical, as any negative decision will mean that it will probably be decades until a similar case can be made successfully, ensuring that Wales will continue to bump along the bottom of the UK’s prosperity league table.
I have been reliably informed that the business case prepared for both projects by Welsh Government officials has been thorough and professional and should stand up against other projects from other parts of the UK that are also looking for funding.
However, things are never that simple, especially when there is strong lobbying for rail schemes in and around Manchester and the Midland Mainline Electrification. And whilst some may think that Wales ‘deserves’ the funding, others will be making the same case for their regions.
Given this, it is vital that we adopt a strong “Team Wales” approach to this, which not only involves politicians from all parties in the National Assembly, but also businesses in the region and local authorities. But most importantly, the Welsh Government needs to put aside any political differences it may have and work closely with the Wales Office to ensure there is a strong voice for both transport projects within the corridors of Whitehall.
The stakes are far too high for petty political point scoring and if this opportunity is missed because of an inability to work together for the benefit of our economy, then it will be Wales that will be the poorer for it.
Mar 122012
Western Mail Column 10th March 2012
I am sure it will have been a massive disappointment that Cardiff was not chosen as the site for the UK Government’s £3 billion Green Investment Bank.
Given the worries by Westminster politicians over the independence vote in Scotland, the choice of Edinburgh as the site of the bank’s new headquarters was not much of a surprise, especially as the Scottish capital is already a major financial centre.
However, the real prize for South Wales from the UK Government is still out there, namely securing funding from the Department for Transport funding for the electrification of railways.Already, business cases have been prepared by the Welsh Government and submitted to the Department for Transport.
One focuses on the extension of the electrification of the Great Western main Line to Swansea, whilst the other on the entire valley line network, including lines to Ebbw Vale, Maesteg and the Vale of Glamorgan as well as the core valley lines north of Cardiff.
Both projects are equally important. The first in ensuring that the second city in Wales has a fast transport link to one of the World’s major cities, thus opening West Wales to potential investment, and the second in regenerating the South Wales Valleys and enabling efficient commuting to Cardiff.
Indeed, given the billions of pounds spent on trying to regenerate the poorest parts of Wales in the last decade, it is likely to be a transport project that brings workers to jobs, rather than the other way round, which is likely to have the biggest impact on the future prosperity of some of our poorest communities.
In fact, one can only applaud the current Welsh Government for finally supporting the development of a city region of 1.4 million people around Cardiff. But if it is to succeed as a modern European city, then it has to have a modern transport infrastructure to support any future development.
Given the changes that have occurred in Cardiff since devolution, it is incredible to think that there has been no major project in the capital city of Wales since 1995, when the last section of the section of road from Culverhouse Cross to Cardiff Bay was opened.
In addition, the development of a strong financial services sector in the city based on a new enterprise zone, which is the aim of both Cardiff Council and the Welsh Government, could see tens of thousands of extra jobs created in this sector alone by 2020. Yet, without a coherent strategic approach to transport, the revitalisation of Cardiff and much of South Wales is likely to be undermined.
And it is no longer acceptable that our capital city remains at the European average in terms of connectivity by road and rail when it is trying to position itself as a competitive international centre.
In fact, Mark Barry, in his excellent paper for the Cardiff Business Partnership- A Metro for Wales’ Capital City Region, hit the nail squarely on the head by stating that whilst a good transport infrastructure does not guarantee economic success, it is also true that economic success can only occur where there is a good transport infrastructure.
So, ensuring the success of the electrification of the Valley Line Network and the main line to Swansea is critical, as any negative decision will mean that it will probably be decades until a similar case can be made successfully, ensuring that Wales will continue to bump along the bottom of the UK’s prosperity league table.
I have been reliably informed that the business case prepared for both projects by Welsh Government officials has been thorough and professional and should stand up against other projects from other parts of the UK that are also looking for funding.
However, things are never that simple, especially when there is strong lobbying for rail schemes in and around Manchester and the Midland Mainline Electrification. And whilst some may think that Wales ‘deserves’ the funding, others will be making the same case for their regions.
Given this, it is vital that we adopt a strong “Team Wales” approach to this, which not only involves politicians from all parties in the National Assembly, but also businesses in the region and local authorities.But most importantly, the Welsh Government needs to put aside any political differences it may have and work closely with the Wales Office to ensure there is a strong voice for both transport projects within the corridors of Whitehall.
The stakes are far too high for petty political point scoring and if this opportunity is missed because of an inability to work together for the benefit of our economy, then it will be Wales that will be the poorer for it.
I am sure it will have been a massive disappointment that Cardiff was not chosen as the site for the UK Government’s £3 billion Green Investment Bank.
Given the worries by Westminster politicians over the independence vote in Scotland, the choice of Edinburgh as the site of the bank’s new headquarters was not much of a surprise, especially as the Scottish capital is already a major financial centre.
However, the real prize for South Wales from the UK Government is still out there, namely securing funding from the Department for Transport funding for the electrification of railways.Already, business cases have been prepared by the Welsh Government and submitted to the Department for Transport.
One focuses on the extension of the electrification of the Great Western main Line to Swansea, whilst the other on the entire valley line network, including lines to Ebbw Vale, Maesteg and the Vale of Glamorgan as well as the core valley lines north of Cardiff.
Both projects are equally important. The first in ensuring that the second city in Wales has a fast transport link to one of the World’s major cities, thus opening West Wales to potential investment, and the second in regenerating the South Wales Valleys and enabling efficient commuting to Cardiff.
Indeed, given the billions of pounds spent on trying to regenerate the poorest parts of Wales in the last decade, it is likely to be a transport project that brings workers to jobs, rather than the other way round, which is likely to have the biggest impact on the future prosperity of some of our poorest communities.
In fact, one can only applaud the current Welsh Government for finally supporting the development of a city region of 1.4 million people around Cardiff. But if it is to succeed as a modern European city, then it has to have a modern transport infrastructure to support any future development.
Given the changes that have occurred in Cardiff since devolution, it is incredible to think that there has been no major project in the capital city of Wales since 1995, when the last section of the section of road from Culverhouse Cross to Cardiff Bay was opened.
In addition, the development of a strong financial services sector in the city based on a new enterprise zone, which is the aim of both Cardiff Council and the Welsh Government, could see tens of thousands of extra jobs created in this sector alone by 2020. Yet, without a coherent strategic approach to transport, the revitalisation of Cardiff and much of South Wales is likely to be undermined.
And it is no longer acceptable that our capital city remains at the European average in terms of connectivity by road and rail when it is trying to position itself as a competitive international centre.
In fact, Mark Barry, in his excellent paper for the Cardiff Business Partnership- A Metro for Wales’ Capital City Region, hit the nail squarely on the head by stating that whilst a good transport infrastructure does not guarantee economic success, it is also true that economic success can only occur where there is a good transport infrastructure.
So, ensuring the success of the electrification of the Valley Line Network and the main line to Swansea is critical, as any negative decision will mean that it will probably be decades until a similar case can be made successfully, ensuring that Wales will continue to bump along the bottom of the UK’s prosperity league table.
I have been reliably informed that the business case prepared for both projects by Welsh Government officials has been thorough and professional and should stand up against other projects from other parts of the UK that are also looking for funding.
However, things are never that simple, especially when there is strong lobbying for rail schemes in and around Manchester and the Midland Mainline Electrification. And whilst some may think that Wales ‘deserves’ the funding, others will be making the same case for their regions.
Given this, it is vital that we adopt a strong “Team Wales” approach to this, which not only involves politicians from all parties in the National Assembly, but also businesses in the region and local authorities.But most importantly, the Welsh Government needs to put aside any political differences it may have and work closely with the Wales Office to ensure there is a strong voice for both transport projects within the corridors of Whitehall.
The stakes are far too high for petty political point scoring and if this opportunity is missed because of an inability to work together for the benefit of our economy, then it will be Wales that will be the poorer for it.
UKTI AND WELSH FIRMS
Welsh Economy, Welsh Government
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Jan 172012
Over the weekend, I had a twitter dialogue with Rhuannedd Richards, currently chief executive of Plaid Cymru.
She was responding to a comment by the First Minister that having access to the UK Government's international division, UKTI, was one advantage that Wales had as being part of the UK. Rhuannedd noted that she was "Surprised that Carwyn Jones used how Wales "benefits" from UKTI to justify continuation of UK. Wales has never been important to UKTI".
I am wondering where she received this information as it is certainly different to what I was told by UKTI in a meeting a few weeks ago. Indeed, I was informed that UKTI had supported 376 Welsh firms to internationalise their activities even though this should be a devolved matter. Indeed, more crucially, I wonder how this compares to whatever services are now offered by the Welsh Government, especially given that it was Ieuan Wyn Jones, when economic development minister, who abolished IBW (International Business Wales) which previously had responsibility for all internationalisation activities?
So what can UKTI offer to Welsh businesses?
The UKTI’s Overseas Market Introduction Service is a flexible business tool that lets British companies commission the services of trade teams located in overseas missions across the world. The Market Visit Support programme also provides assistance to new-to-export or new-to-market SMEs visiting overseas markets as part of their trade development process. However, in this respect, UKTI also provides some direct funding to the Welsh Government to support their own mission programmes.
UKTI also works in partnership with other organisations to deliver internationalisation initiatives. For example, the Export Marketing Research Scheme is an initiative run by the British Chambers of Commerce as a contractor to UKTI. It provides advice and co-funding (at up to £5k per project) for eligible companies to carry out their own market research overseas. The Chambers can also provide support for an Export Communications Review, which examines a company’s strategic communications approach to trading overseas.
But the First Minister should not just quote the example of UKTI when it is politically expedient if the Department for Business in Wales, as I have been reliably informed, is doing little to ensure a closer relationship with this body.
And if the economy is important to the Welsh Government, then more could, and should be done to help businesses take full advantage of exporting opportunities. In fact, Welsh firms still only account for 2.6 per cent of all UK exporters despite a growth in the value of exports since 1999, which suggests considerable potential within the Welsh business community for further overseas expansion if only the right support and advice was available.
However, that can only be achieved if there is better co-ordination and co-operation between the Welsh Government’s international branch and the UKTI in 2012. Not only could this begin a long overdue entente cordiale between the two administrations but, more importantly, should benefit the Welsh economy at a time when businesses need every help they can get.
She was responding to a comment by the First Minister that having access to the UK Government's international division, UKTI, was one advantage that Wales had as being part of the UK. Rhuannedd noted that she was "Surprised that Carwyn Jones used how Wales "benefits" from UKTI to justify continuation of UK. Wales has never been important to UKTI".
I am wondering where she received this information as it is certainly different to what I was told by UKTI in a meeting a few weeks ago. Indeed, I was informed that UKTI had supported 376 Welsh firms to internationalise their activities even though this should be a devolved matter. Indeed, more crucially, I wonder how this compares to whatever services are now offered by the Welsh Government, especially given that it was Ieuan Wyn Jones, when economic development minister, who abolished IBW (International Business Wales) which previously had responsibility for all internationalisation activities?
So what can UKTI offer to Welsh businesses?
The UKTI’s Overseas Market Introduction Service is a flexible business tool that lets British companies commission the services of trade teams located in overseas missions across the world. The Market Visit Support programme also provides assistance to new-to-export or new-to-market SMEs visiting overseas markets as part of their trade development process. However, in this respect, UKTI also provides some direct funding to the Welsh Government to support their own mission programmes.
UKTI also works in partnership with other organisations to deliver internationalisation initiatives. For example, the Export Marketing Research Scheme is an initiative run by the British Chambers of Commerce as a contractor to UKTI. It provides advice and co-funding (at up to £5k per project) for eligible companies to carry out their own market research overseas. The Chambers can also provide support for an Export Communications Review, which examines a company’s strategic communications approach to trading overseas.
But the First Minister should not just quote the example of UKTI when it is politically expedient if the Department for Business in Wales, as I have been reliably informed, is doing little to ensure a closer relationship with this body.
And if the economy is important to the Welsh Government, then more could, and should be done to help businesses take full advantage of exporting opportunities. In fact, Welsh firms still only account for 2.6 per cent of all UK exporters despite a growth in the value of exports since 1999, which suggests considerable potential within the Welsh business community for further overseas expansion if only the right support and advice was available.
However, that can only be achieved if there is better co-ordination and co-operation between the Welsh Government’s international branch and the UKTI in 2012. Not only could this begin a long overdue entente cordiale between the two administrations but, more importantly, should benefit the Welsh economy at a time when businesses need every help they can get.
DID CARWYN GET IT WRONG? HOW IMPORTANT IS THE EU FOR WELSH EXPORTS?
Welsh Economy, Welsh Government
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Jan 042012
Given the recent spats between the devolved nations and the UK Government over the decision by David Cameron to exercise the UK veto over the EU treaty in December, there have been numerous statements on how this will have an effect on Welsh trade with the European Union.
According to a recent statement from the First Minister of Wales, "some 50% of exports from Wales are to the EU". Yet recent data from the Welsh Government's own statistics suggest that it is considerably less than that, as figure 1 below shows. In fact, only Scotland had a lower proportion of exports with the EU in the third quarter of 2011.
Will this mean that any downturn in the eurozone will affect Wales less than the majority of other UK regions?
Certainly, as figure 2 demonstrates, there has been a gradual long term decline in the proportion of Welsh exports that go to EU countries since 1999. The export profile of Wales has changed considerably since devolution and whilst Europe is still a key partner, the fact that we have moved away from a dependency of 75 per cent on the EU back in 2002 to 40 per cent in 2011 shows that, thankfully, we now have a far more balanced exporting economy.
A further piece of good news is that the relative importance of exporting has grown in Wales, and now accounts for 4.6 per cent of all UK exports as compared to 3.7 per cent in 1999. Europe has played a minor part in this growth - the total value of EU exports has only increased by 16.6 per cent during 1999-2011 whilst overall Welsh exports have gone up in value by 107.3 per cent over the same period.
Yes, the EU remains a major trading partner but thankfully, exports to other parts of the World are also becoming important to the future of the Welsh economy. Perhaps that, and the growth in overall exports, is what the Welsh Government should have been celebrating last month rather than trying to score political points against David Cameron.
More on this in today's Western Mail.
Figure 1: Exports to the EU as a percentage of total exports, by UK region, quarter 3 2011.
Table 2: EU exports as a proportion of total Welsh exports, 1999-2011
Figure 4. Welsh exports, by region, quarter 3, 1999
According to a recent statement from the First Minister of Wales, "some 50% of exports from Wales are to the EU". Yet recent data from the Welsh Government's own statistics suggest that it is considerably less than that, as figure 1 below shows. In fact, only Scotland had a lower proportion of exports with the EU in the third quarter of 2011.
Will this mean that any downturn in the eurozone will affect Wales less than the majority of other UK regions?
Certainly, as figure 2 demonstrates, there has been a gradual long term decline in the proportion of Welsh exports that go to EU countries since 1999. The export profile of Wales has changed considerably since devolution and whilst Europe is still a key partner, the fact that we have moved away from a dependency of 75 per cent on the EU back in 2002 to 40 per cent in 2011 shows that, thankfully, we now have a far more balanced exporting economy.
A further piece of good news is that the relative importance of exporting has grown in Wales, and now accounts for 4.6 per cent of all UK exports as compared to 3.7 per cent in 1999. Europe has played a minor part in this growth - the total value of EU exports has only increased by 16.6 per cent during 1999-2011 whilst overall Welsh exports have gone up in value by 107.3 per cent over the same period.
Yes, the EU remains a major trading partner but thankfully, exports to other parts of the World are also becoming important to the future of the Welsh economy. Perhaps that, and the growth in overall exports, is what the Welsh Government should have been celebrating last month rather than trying to score political points against David Cameron.
More on this in today's Western Mail.
Figure 1: Exports to the EU as a percentage of total exports, by UK region, quarter 3 2011.
Table 2: EU exports as a proportion of total Welsh exports, 1999-2011
Figure 4. Welsh exports, by region, quarter 3, 1999
Figure 4. Welsh exports, by region, quarter 3, 2011
A NEW DAWN FOR WELSH MANUFACTURING?
Welsh Economy
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Dec 292011
WESTERN MAIL ARTICLE DEC 23RD 2011
Over the last year, the manufacturing sector, ignored for so long by politicians, has now become a favoured industry again.
With the UK Government partially pinning its hopes on an export led recovery, policymakers are looking to refocus their efforts on manufacturers, especially those in high technology sectors. In fact, whilst manufacturing only accounts for 10 per cent of the UK economy, it generated some £205bn in exported goods in 2009, representing approximately 53 per cent of total UK export by value.
This refocusing on the manufacturing sector could be particularly good news for Wales, especially as the industry is mainly located outside the south east of England and any growth in the sector will have a disproportionate effect on the less prosperous parts of the UK, such as the Welsh economy.
As the First Minister said recently, “Manufacturing is vital to the economy in Wales and should be considered at least as important as financial services at a UK level.” This echoes an earlier call by the innovator Sir James Dyson, who noted in a report for the Conservative Party that it was critical for the UK economy to rebalance itself away from financial services and propertyBut successive governments in both Westminster and Cardiff Bay have hardly covered themselves in glory when it comes to developing the manufacturing sector here in Wales.Let’s take, for example, the relative contribution of manufacturing to the UK economy since 1997.
An analysis of the latest GVA (Gross Value-Added) data on the sectors of the UK economy shows that manufacturing accounted for 25 per cent of the Welsh economy in 1997 but by 2009, this has plunged to only 15 per cent of the economy.To put this into context, the contribution of public sector services had increased from 22 per cent to 27 per cent over the same period.In absolute terms, the cash contribution of manufacturing to the Welsh economy had fallen from £7.1 billion in 1997 to £6.7 billion in 2009. This in itself, is not surprising, given that low level manufacturing operations have been switched from Wales to cheaper countries overseas, most notably in parts of Central and Eastern Europe.However, it does demonstrate the lack of any strategy to support the development of knowledge-intensive products in Wales and, more relevantly, the service provision around such products, all of which add far higher value to the economy.
In this context, it is also worth comparing the relative fall and rise of employment in manufacturing and the public sector since 2001. The data shows that the numbers employed in manufacturing has declined by 26 per cent (a fall of 55,000 jobs). In contrast, the numbers employed in the public sector has increased by 57,000 over the same period.Nevertheless, there remains real potential within the manufacturing sector in Wales that can be built upon, from global giants such as Airbus, Toyota, Sony and Tata to thousands of small companies producing specialist goods across the nation.
And the new advanced manufacturing and materials sector panel set up by the Welsh Government has made its intentions clear to develop an approach that embraces globalisation, encourages R and D in innovative products and processes, matching education provision to meet the demands of the 21st century manufacturing workplace, developing new finance packages for growth and building capacity by targeting investment in a sustainable business environment.
However, the Welsh Government cannot and should not do this in isolation. For example, much of the real value added support and expertise for innovation rests in national non-devolved bodies such as the Technology Strategy Board and NESTA whilst the vast majority of R and D funding for universities operating in fields relevant to manufacturing is still controlled centrally by the UK Research Councils.There is also billions of pounds worth of funding support for exporters available through UK Export Finance whilst UKTI, the UK Government’s trade arm, can help develop international links through its global reach in embassies and consulates throughout the World.
Given this, could 2012 herald a new dawn for manufacturing in Wales? There is no reason why this should not happen, especially if our businesses have the right management, the right products and the right skills in place and, more importantly, the appropriate support is provided by governments in Wales and Westminster.
Over the last year, the manufacturing sector, ignored for so long by politicians, has now become a favoured industry again.
With the UK Government partially pinning its hopes on an export led recovery, policymakers are looking to refocus their efforts on manufacturers, especially those in high technology sectors. In fact, whilst manufacturing only accounts for 10 per cent of the UK economy, it generated some £205bn in exported goods in 2009, representing approximately 53 per cent of total UK export by value.
This refocusing on the manufacturing sector could be particularly good news for Wales, especially as the industry is mainly located outside the south east of England and any growth in the sector will have a disproportionate effect on the less prosperous parts of the UK, such as the Welsh economy.
As the First Minister said recently, “Manufacturing is vital to the economy in Wales and should be considered at least as important as financial services at a UK level.” This echoes an earlier call by the innovator Sir James Dyson, who noted in a report for the Conservative Party that it was critical for the UK economy to rebalance itself away from financial services and propertyBut successive governments in both Westminster and Cardiff Bay have hardly covered themselves in glory when it comes to developing the manufacturing sector here in Wales.Let’s take, for example, the relative contribution of manufacturing to the UK economy since 1997.
An analysis of the latest GVA (Gross Value-Added) data on the sectors of the UK economy shows that manufacturing accounted for 25 per cent of the Welsh economy in 1997 but by 2009, this has plunged to only 15 per cent of the economy.To put this into context, the contribution of public sector services had increased from 22 per cent to 27 per cent over the same period.In absolute terms, the cash contribution of manufacturing to the Welsh economy had fallen from £7.1 billion in 1997 to £6.7 billion in 2009. This in itself, is not surprising, given that low level manufacturing operations have been switched from Wales to cheaper countries overseas, most notably in parts of Central and Eastern Europe.However, it does demonstrate the lack of any strategy to support the development of knowledge-intensive products in Wales and, more relevantly, the service provision around such products, all of which add far higher value to the economy.
In this context, it is also worth comparing the relative fall and rise of employment in manufacturing and the public sector since 2001. The data shows that the numbers employed in manufacturing has declined by 26 per cent (a fall of 55,000 jobs). In contrast, the numbers employed in the public sector has increased by 57,000 over the same period.Nevertheless, there remains real potential within the manufacturing sector in Wales that can be built upon, from global giants such as Airbus, Toyota, Sony and Tata to thousands of small companies producing specialist goods across the nation.
And the new advanced manufacturing and materials sector panel set up by the Welsh Government has made its intentions clear to develop an approach that embraces globalisation, encourages R and D in innovative products and processes, matching education provision to meet the demands of the 21st century manufacturing workplace, developing new finance packages for growth and building capacity by targeting investment in a sustainable business environment.
However, the Welsh Government cannot and should not do this in isolation. For example, much of the real value added support and expertise for innovation rests in national non-devolved bodies such as the Technology Strategy Board and NESTA whilst the vast majority of R and D funding for universities operating in fields relevant to manufacturing is still controlled centrally by the UK Research Councils.There is also billions of pounds worth of funding support for exporters available through UK Export Finance whilst UKTI, the UK Government’s trade arm, can help develop international links through its global reach in embassies and consulates throughout the World.
Given this, could 2012 herald a new dawn for manufacturing in Wales? There is no reason why this should not happen, especially if our businesses have the right management, the right products and the right skills in place and, more importantly, the appropriate support is provided by governments in Wales and Westminster.





















